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From left, Felipe Gomez Alonzo, Carlos Gregorio Hernandez Vasquez and Jakelin Caal Maquin are three of the children who have died in the custody of U.S. Customs and Border Protection . Family photos. Source: nbcnews.com.

From left, Felipe Gomez Alonzo, Carlos Gregorio Hernandez Vasquez and Jakelin Caal Maquin are three of the children who have died in the custody of U.S. Customs and Border Protection . Family photos. Source: nbcnews.com.

Open Letter from Mayab’ Scholars in Diaspora to The United States, Mexican, and Guatemalan governments

June 5, 2019

[Kaxlan tzij/ Español abajo]

Sign your name here.

We write this letter as Maya Peoples, activists, and scholars who have been historically displaced from our ancestral homelands and countries to publicly denounce the United States, Mexican and Guatemalan governments for their inhumane treatment and oppressive policies toward our people. In particular, we express our outrage against the outright disregard of our Maya children and youth seeking asylum and refuge in the United States. Since December 2018, five Maya children have died under the custody of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security at the U.S.-Mexico border, and one under the custody of the Mexican immigration officials in Mexico City.

Jakelin Caal Maquin (Maya Q’eqchi’ Nation, 7 years old), died of a bacterial infection on December 8. Felipe Gomez Alonzo (Maya Chuj Nation, 8 years old), died from flu complications on Christmas Eve. Juan Leon Gutierrez (Maya Ch’orti’ Nation, 16 years old), died from a brain infection caused by an untreated sinus infection, on April 30,. Wilmer Josue Ramirez ( 2 ½ years-old) from the town of Chiquimula, which is Ch’orti’ Maya territory, died from pneumonia on May 14. The next day, a ten-year-old girl from Guatemala — whose name is not yet known — died at an immigration detention center in Mexico City. Carlos Hernández (Maya Achi Nation, 16 years old), died from influenza on May 20., Claudia Patricia Gomez Gonzalez (Maya Mam Nation, 20 years old), was shot and murdered by a border patrol agent in Texas after crossing the border on May 23, 2018.

The United States, Mexican, and Guatemalan governments’ violent and inhumane treatment of our people resulted in these high profile deaths, but countless number of children suffer violent acts and continue to die as they journey to the United States. As Maya people, we ask ourselves: How many more children must die before the U.S., Mexican, and Guatemalan governments realize that this is a crisis specifically affecting Indigenous children and youth? When will these governments take responsibility for their domestic and international human rights violations that have resulted in these tragic deaths? When will the United States offer humane solutions for Indigenous asylum seekers, given that the conditions they escape are a direct result of historic and ongoing U.S. intervention in our ancestral homelands?

Maya Peoples are the majority in Guatemala. Since the formal end of the Guatemalan Civil War (1960–1996), in which the state engaged in genocide and adopted terrorist tactics to eliminate Indigenous Peoples, we have faced extraordinary challenges due to the fact that by nearly every social, cultural, economic, spiritual, and physical measures our communities and families have been uniquely and negatively impacted. The Guatemalan government, through its implementation of neoliberal economic reforms, has created a humanitarian crisis that in particular, has affected Maya Peoples. The high levels of corruption and impunity by high-ranking officials has contributed to state-sponsored violence and repression, and the lack of funding for social services, hospitals, and education has also contributed to these injustices. In addition, while transnational gangs have become a growing concern, the government’s response to this issue has only worsened conditions by militarizing our lands and territories, targeting our traditional government structures, civil society, criminalizing young people, and leaving crimes against girls and women unpunished. Maya women and children, explicitly Indigenous children, are the most victimized and impacted by these oppressive and violent tactics. 
 
Moreover, it is in our ancestral lands and territories where transnational corporations and extractive industries operate. These extractivist industries have created environmental damage and degradation that has resulted in water contamination that has led thousands to flee. Indigenous leaders fighting for the defense of our ancestral lands and territories, and those who contest and challenge these policies, are criminalized, incarcerated, persecuted, and murdered. In addition, many people have to deal with drug trafficking, gang violence, and extortion, which leaves people with no option other than to sell their land and migrate — seeking refuge in the United States. The impacts of climate change exacerbate the injustices we and our people face in our traditional lands and territories. Many farmers have lost their crops due to a decrease in precipitation and rainfalls, and increased droughts.

As indigenous peoples and nations, we face racism, discrimination, violence and death in our homelands, forcing many of us to flee. However, instead of understanding these conditions, Maya people are met with inhumane treatment, virulent racism, human rights violations, and death at the Guatemala/Mexico and U.S./Mexico borders, all of which constitute a violation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). The U.S. Custom and Border Protection Agency has reported that since October of 2018, over 44,000 unaccompanied minors, and over 248,000 family units (parent/caretaker and child) have been apprehended and detained. Considering that Indigenous Peoples are the majority in Guatemala, and that there are 68 distinct indigenous Nations in Mexico, and that Indigenous Peoples are present in other Central American countries, we strongly believe that many of the children and family units coming from these countries, are Indigenous and need distinct migration laws. Tragically, they are being denied the basic human right to ask for and obtain asylum. 
 
The Guatemalan, Mexican and the United States governments must be held accountable for the deaths of our children. Impunity for their deaths is not an option and we demand justice for their families, as well as a humane solution to a crisis that is the direct result of neoliberal economic policies of these countries.

Contrary to society’s erroneous assumptions, as Maya Peoples, activists, and scholars in diaspora, we make important contributions to our respective countries of origin by not only sending remittances that are the bedrock of Central American and Mexican economies, but also paying taxes in the countries we have now made our homes. Therefore, we demand:

  • An immediate stop to family separations, and an immediate reunification of children with their parents or caretakers

  • The immediate end of the detention of children

  • An exhaustive, fair and transparent investigation clarifying the deaths of Maya migrant children

  • An investigation and prosecution of officials who have violated Maya children’s human rights

  • The resignation of immigration officials in charge of the detention centers where these children died

  • The end of contracting privatized detention centers

  • The end of inhumane and torture tactics while in detention such as solitary confinement and placing people in “iceboxes” (hieleras)

  • Complete medical attention to migrants and asylum seekers

  • The complete and full respect of the rights of asylum seekers

  • Provision of and access to indigenous and Maya language interpreters to asylum seekers in accordance with Executive — — Order 13166 and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, in particular Art. 13 

  • An immediate stop on detained children being fostered or adopted by U.S. families

  • A dialogue with leaders of the Maya diaspora for the development of humane immigration policies

Mayab’ Scholars and Activists in Diaspora:

  • Gio B’atz’ (Giovanni Batz). Maya K’iche’ from Los Angeles, CA. PhD in Social Anthropology.

  • Floridalma Boj Lopez, Maya K’iche’, Assistant Professor in Sociology, California State University, Los Angeles

  • Juanita Cabrera Lopez, Maya Mam Nation, Quetzaltenango & Washington, D.C. 

  • Gloria E. Chacón ( Maya Ch’orti’ origin), Associate Professor, University of California, San Diego

  • Daniel Hernandez, Wīnak: K‘iche‘, Tz‘utujil, Mam, Kaqchikel, Doctoral Candidate, Te Whare Wānanga o Tāmaki Makaurau, Aotearoa. 

  • Jessica Hernandez, Binnizá-Zapotec & Ch’orti Maya, Doctoral Candidate, School of Environmental and Forest Sciences, University of Washington 

  • Emil Keme (aka Emilio del Valle Escalante), Maya K’iche, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

  • Vicenta Lopez Mateo, Maya Q’anjob’al, MSW Candidate, USC Suzanne Dworak-Peck School of Social Work

  • Carla Osorio Veliz, Maya Tzotzil from Los Angeles, CA and Eugene, Oregon. PhD student in Geography at University of Oregon

  • Ana Ramirez, Maya Akateka, Doctoral Student, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.

  • Jesse Ramirez, Maya Akateko, Undergraduate Student, Princeton University

  • Emilio Vicente, Maya K’iche’, Immigrant Rights Activist

  • Yesenia Pedro Vicente, Maya Q’anjob’al, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill


Felipe Gomez Alonzo, Carlos Gregorio Hernandez Vasquez and Jakelin Caal Maquin.

Felipe Gomez Alonzo, Carlos Gregorio Hernandez Vasquez and Jakelin Caal Maquin.

[Kaxlan tzij/ Español]

Carta abierta de académicos y activistas Mayas en la diáspora para los gobiernos de Estado Unidos, México y Guatemala


 Nosotros, los Pueblos Mayas, activistas y académicos que hemos sido históricamente desplazados de nuestras territorios ancestrales y países de origen, denunciamos públicamente a los gobiernos de los Estados Unidos, México y Guatemala por su trato inhumano y políticas opresivas hacia nuestros pueblos. En particular, expresamos nuestra indignación contra el maltrato absoluto de nuestras niñas y nuestros niños, y jóvenes mayas que buscan asilo y refugio político en Estados Unidos. Desde diciembre del 2018, cinco niñas y niños mayas han muerto bajo la custodia del Departamento de Seguridad Nacional de los EE. UU., en la frontera de los EE. UU./México, y uno más, bajo la custodia de los funcionarios de inmigración mexicanos en la Ciudad de México.
 
Jakelin Caal Maquin (nación maya q’eq’chi ’, 7 años de edad), murió de una infección bacterial el 8 de diciembre. Felipe Gómez Alonzo (Nación Maya Chuj, 8 años), murió de complicaciones de gripe en la víspera de Navidad. Juan Leon Gutiérrez (nación maya ch’orti ’, de 16 años de edad), falleció a causa de una infección cerebral causada por la falta de tratamiento a una infección nasal, el 30 de abril. Wilmer Josué Ramírez (2 años y medio) de la ciudad de Chiquimula, que es territorio maya Ch’orti ‘, murió de neumonía el 14 de mayo. Al día siguiente, una niña guatemalteca de diez años, cuyo nombre aún no es conocido, murió en un centro de detención migratoria en la Ciudad de México. Carlos Hernández (nacion maya achi, 16 años), murió de influenza el 20 de mayo. Antes de diciembre, Claudia Patricia Gomez González (nacion maya mam, 20 años) fue asesinada por un agente de la patrulla fronteriza en Texas después de cruzar la frontera el 23 de mayo de 2018.
 
El tratamiento violento e inhumano de los gobiernos de los Estados Unidos, México y Guatemala a nuestra gente ha causado estas muertes de gran repercusión mediática. No son las únicas. Innumerables niños sufren violencias y continúan falleciendo mientras viajan a los Estados Unidos. Como personas mayas, nos preguntamos: ¿cuántas niñas y niños más deben morir antes de que los gobiernos de los Estados Unidos, México y Guatemala se den cuenta de que esta es una crisis que afecta específicamente a los niños y jóvenes Indígenas? ¿Cuándo asumirán estos gobiernos la responsabilidad de sus violaciones nacionales e internacionales a los derechos humanos que han resultado en estas trágicas muertes? ¿Cuándo ofrecerá los Estados Unidos soluciones humanitarias para Indígenas que solicitan asilo político ya que las condiciones sociales de las que mucha gente escapa son el resultado directo de la histórica y continua intervención de los Estados Unidos en nuestros territorios ancestrales?
 
Los pueblos mayas son mayoría en Guatemala. Desde el fin oficial de la Guerra Civil Guatemalteca (1960–1996), en la cual el estado-nación implementó políticas genocidas y adoptó tácticas terroristas para eliminar a los Pueblos Indígenas, hemos enfrentado desafíos extraordinarios debido a que en casi todos los ámbitos sociales, culturales, económicas, espirituales y físicos, nuestras comunidades y familias han sido impactadas de manera particular y negativa. El gobierno de Guatemala, a través de la implementación de reformas económicas neoliberales, ha creado una crisis humanitaria que, específicamente, ha afectado a los pueblos mayas. Los altos niveles de corrupción e impunidad de los funcionarios de alto rango, así como también la falta de fondos para servicios sociales, hospitales y educación han contribuido a la violencia y la represión ejercida por el estado hacia nuestros pueblos. Además, si bien las pandillas transnacionales se han convertido en una creciente preocupación, la respuesta del gobierno a este problema solo ha empeorado las condiciones puesto que al militarizar nuestros territorios ancestrales, se ha buscado desarticular nuestras estructuras gubernamentales tradicionales y a la sociedad civil, criminalizando a los jóvenes y dejando impunes actos de violencia ejercida contra niñas y mujeres en general. Las mujeres y los niños mayas, y en particular las niñas y niños Indígenas, son los más victimizados e impactados por estas tácticas represivas y violentas.
 
Además, es en nuestras tierras y territorios ancestrales donde operan las empresas transnacionales y las industrias extractivistas. Tales industrias han creado daños y degradaciones ambientales que también han resultado en la contaminación del agua, lo cual ha empujado a miles de personas a salir de sus comunidades. Los líderes Indígenas que luchan por la defensa de nuestras tierras y territorios ancestrales, y aquellas y aquellos que disputan y desafían estas políticas extractivistas, son criminalizados, encarcelados, perseguidos y asesinados. Además, muchas personas tienen que lidiar con el tráfico de drogas, la violencia de pandillas y la extorsión, lo que deja a muchas personas sin otra opción que vender sus tierras y emigrar en busca de asilo político en los Estados Unidos. Los impactos del cambio climático profundizan las injusticias que nuestra gente enfrenta en nuestros territorios ancestrales. Muchos agricultores han perdido sus cosechas debido a las inconsistentes precipitaciones, y el aumento las sequías.
 
Como pueblos y naciones Indígenas, enfrentamos el racismo, la discriminación, la violencia y la muerte en nuestras tierras, lo cual obliga a muchos de nosotros a huir. Sin embargo, en lugar de comprender estas condiciones sociales, los mayas reciben un trato inhumano, enfrentan un racismo virulento, violaciones a sus derechos humanos y hasta la muerte en las fronteras de Guatemala / México, y México/ Estados Unidos, todo lo cual constituye una violación de la Declaración de los Derechos de las Naciones Unidas y la de los Pueblos Indígenas (UNDRIP). La Agencia de Protección de Fronteras y Aduanas de los Estados Unidos ha informado que desde octubre del 2018, más de 44,000 menores no acompañados y más de 248,000 familiares (padre/madre y niña/niño, o guardian y niña/niño) han sido detenidos y apresados.[1]Teniendo en cuenta que los Pueblos Indígenas son la mayoría en Guatemala y que existen 68 naciones Indígenas en México, y que los Pueblos Indígenas están presentes en otros países de América Central, creemos firmemente que la mayoría de los niños y las unidades familiares que provienen de estos países son Indígenas y necesitan leyes migratorias particulares. Trágicamente, se les está negando el pleno derecho humano a solicitar y obtener asilo político en Estados Unidos.[2]
 
Los gobiernos de Guatemala, México y los Estados Unidos deben tomar responsabilidad por la muerte de nuestras niñas y niños. La impunidad por su muerte no es una opción, y exigimos justicia para sus familias, así como una solución humana a una crisis que es el resultado directo de las políticas económicas neoliberales de estos países.
 
Contrariamente a erróneas suposiciones de la sociedad dominante, como Pueblos Mayas, activistas y académicos en la diáspora, hacemos importantes contribuciones a nuestros respectivos países de origen no solo enviando remesas que son la base de las economías de América Central y México, sino también pagamos impuestos en los países que en los que nos hemos asentado y hecho nuestros hogares hoy en día. Por lo tanto, exigimos:

  • La anulación inmediata de las políticas de separación de familias, y una reunificación inmediata de las niñas y niños con sus padres o guardianes.

  • El fin inmediato de la detención de niñas y niños.

  • Una investigación exhaustiva, justa y transparente que aclare las muertes de niños migrantes mayas.

  • Una investigación y enjuiciamiento de funcionarios que han violado los derechos humanos de las niñas y niños mayas.

  • La renuncia inmediata de los funcionarios de inmigración a cargo de los centros de detención donde han fallecido estos niños.

  • El fin de contratos a centros de detención privatizados.

  • Anular las tácticas inhumanas y de tortura a las personas en detención, como aislamiento solitario, y ubicando a personas en hileras.

  • Atención médica completa a migrantes, y personas buscando asilo político.

  • El respeto pleno y completo de los derechos de las personas que solicitan asilo político.

  • Provisión y acceso a intérpretes en idiomas mayas e Indígenas para personas que solicitan asilo político en conformidad con la Orden Ejecutiva 13166 y la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, en particular el artículo 13.

  • La suspensión inmediata de leyes temporales que ofrecen poner en adopción a niñas y niños detenidos, con familias estadounidenses.

  • Un diálogo con los líderes de la diáspora maya para el desarrollo de políticas de inmigración humanitaria.

Académicos y activistas del Mayab’ en la diáspora:

  •  Gio B’atz’ (Giovanni Batz). Maya K’iche’ de Los Angeles, CA. Doctor en Antropologia social.

  • Floridalma Boj Lopez, Maya K’iche’, Profesora titular de sociologia, Universidad del estado de California, Los Angeles

  • Juanita Cabrera Lopez, Nacion Maya Mam, Quetzaltenango & Washington, D.C. 

  • Gloria E. Chacón ( Maya Ch’orti’ origin), Profesora asociada, Universidad de California en San Diego

  • Daniel Hernandez, Winaq: K‘iche‘, Tz‘utujil, Mam, Kaqchikel, candidato de doctorado, Te Whare Wānanga o Tāmaki Makaurau, Aotearoa (Nueva Zelanda). 

  • Jessica Hernandez, Zapotec & Ch’orti Maya, doctoranda en ciencias ambientales y forestales, Escuela de ciencias ambientales y forestales, Universidad de Washington. 

  • Emil Keme (aka Emilio del Valle Escalante), Maya K’iche, Universidad de Carolina del Norte en Chapel Hill, EE.UU. 

  • Vicenta Lopez Mateo, Maya Q’anjob’al, MSW Candidate, USC Suzanne Dworak-Peck School of Social Work

  • Carla Osorio Veliz, Maya Tzotzil de Los Ángeles, CA y Eugene, Oregon. Doctoranda en Geografía en la Universidad de Oregon. 

  • Ana Ramirez, Maya Akateka, estudiante de doctorado, Universidad de Carolina del Norte en Chapel Hill, EE.UU. 

  • Jesse Ramirez, Maya Akateko, estudiante de grado, Princeton University

  • Emilio Vicente, Maya K’iche’, Activista por los derechos de los inmigrantes .

  • Yesenia Pedro Vicente, Maya Q’anjob’al, Universidad de Carolina del Norte en Chapel Hill


[1] Ver: https://www.cbp.gov/newsroom/stats/sw-border-migration
[2] Ver:https://www.milenio.com/cultura/cuantos-indigenas-viven-actualmente-en-mexico

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  • December 2018
    • Dec 18, 2018 The Blame Game: Criminalizing migrant parents Dec 18, 2018
    • Dec 17, 2018 Dr. Dre and Deportation: U.S. Pop Culture, Place, and Belonging Dec 17, 2018
    • Dec 7, 2018 Tear Gas, Children and ‘Distracted Outrage’ Dec 7, 2018
    • Dec 3, 2018 Dreamer’s Fate Should Not be Left to the Courts’ Decisions on DACA Dec 3, 2018
  • November 2018
    • Nov 21, 2018 Radicalizing Tensions: Between Fascism and Solidarity in Italy (Part II) Nov 21, 2018
    • Nov 19, 2018 Radicalizing Tensions: Between Fascism and Solidarity in Italy (Part I) Nov 19, 2018
    • Nov 11, 2018 The #Multicultural State: Counter-narratives from migrant youth living in Buenos Aires Nov 11, 2018
  • October 2018
    • Oct 29, 2018 Emergency Contact: Dispatches from the Tornillo Children’s Detention Camp Oct 29, 2018
    • Oct 22, 2018 Negotiating Migration: How Youth Decide to Migrate Oct 22, 2018
    • Oct 9, 2018 "Just Another Refugee!" Art and Poetry by Salam Noah Oct 9, 2018
  • September 2018
    • Sep 27, 2018 Accompaniment/Acompañamiento Sep 27, 2018
  • July 2018
    • Jul 3, 2018 Young people in circulation and the re-construction of complex selves Jul 3, 2018
  • June 2018
    • Jun 21, 2018 From Hysteria to Productive Action Jun 21, 2018
    • Jun 20, 2018 Imprisoning Families is Not the Solution Jun 20, 2018
    • Jun 18, 2018 Care in Contexts of Child Detention Jun 18, 2018
    • Jun 16, 2018 The Water Jun 16, 2018
  • May 2018
    • May 7, 2018 EVERYTHING IS FOR SALE HERE May 7, 2018
    • May 1, 2018 IN THE VEINS OF OUR VIOLENCE May 1, 2018
  • April 2018
    • Apr 18, 2018 Literacy Tests, Love Letters, and Shifting Borders Apr 18, 2018
  • March 2018
    • Mar 1, 2018 Migration as Clickbait Mar 1, 2018
  • February 2018
    • Feb 1, 2018 Conversations Among First-Generation Latinas on Migration and Social Work Feb 1, 2018
  • January 2018
    • Jan 2, 2018 Responsibility and Adventure: Tongan Youth and Circular Migration Jan 2, 2018
  • December 2017
    • Dec 18, 2017 (B) C(o)nscious Dec 18, 2017
    • Dec 11, 2017 On the Honduran Election and its Aftermath/Sobre las elecciones en Honduras y sus Secuelas Dec 11, 2017
  • November 2017
    • Nov 28, 2017 Preparing for Return: Knowing Your Rights on Both Sides of the Border Nov 28, 2017
    • Nov 14, 2017 Love and Fear among Rural Uyghur Youth during the “People’s War” Nov 14, 2017
  • October 2017
    • Oct 30, 2017 Uyghur Migrant Life in the City During the “People’s War” Oct 30, 2017
  • August 2017
    • Aug 21, 2017 The RAISE Act Undermines American Values Aug 21, 2017
    • Aug 7, 2017 From Mogadishu to Istanbul: An auto-ethnography on childhood, migration and education Aug 7, 2017
  • July 2017
    • Jul 24, 2017 Border to Border: The south takes me back north Jul 24, 2017
    • Jul 20, 2017 Threatening Parents?: What DHS Policies Remind Us About Unaccompanied Youth Jul 20, 2017
    • Jul 8, 2017 Visualizing Immigrant Youth in Phoenix Jul 8, 2017
  • June 2017
    • Jun 20, 2017 I Still Have Your Luggage Tag Jun 20, 2017
    • Jun 7, 2017 From Undocumented to DACAmented: Can Changes to Legal Status Impact Psychological Wellbeing? Jun 7, 2017
  • April 2017
    • Apr 17, 2017 Why the "bad hombre" Trump is the least of our worries: How state policies criminalize immigrant and undocumented youth Apr 17, 2017
  • January 2017
    • Jan 17, 2017 "Reflection of an Uncertain Dream": Counter-Narratives of Mobility in a New Era Jan 17, 2017
  • December 2016
    • Dec 19, 2016 On Process and the Public: Creating the "Migration and Belonging" Series Dec 19, 2016
    • Dec 18, 2016 La Resiliencia de Jóvenes Sin Cuidados Parentales/Resilience of Youth without Parental Care Dec 18, 2016
    • Dec 12, 2016 El Papel de las Comadronas de Almolonga/The Role of Midwives in Almolonga Dec 12, 2016
    • Dec 5, 2016 A la Intersección de Género, Relaciones Familiares y Migración/At the Intersection of Gender, Family Relations and Migration Dec 5, 2016
  • November 2016
    • Nov 28, 2016 Almolonga: Una interpretación a partir de la migración a Estados Unidos/Almolonga: an interpretation of migration to the United States Nov 28, 2016
    • Nov 21, 2016 Deudas y Migración: Explorando a la realidad de Almolonga/Debt and Migration: Exploring Almolonga’s reality Nov 21, 2016
    • Nov 15, 2016 Botas Negras / Tuqxajab’ q’eq / Black Rubber Boots Nov 15, 2016
    • Nov 14, 2016 Migration and Belonging: Narratives from a Highland Town Nov 14, 2016
  • July 2016
    • Jul 1, 2016 Reimagining Youth Mobility Through Architectural Design Jul 1, 2016
  • June 2016
    • Jun 11, 2016 The Politics of Memory among Child Survivors of the Bosnian War Diaspora Jun 11, 2016
  • April 2016
    • Apr 3, 2016 Rethinking Home: A Powerful Look at Return Migration via Film Apr 3, 2016
  • March 2016
    • Mar 1, 2016 Child Protection or Security Agendas? NGOs address the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Lebanon Mar 1, 2016
  • February 2016
    • Feb 9, 2016 “The Stress Along the Way”: Medicalization and Transit Migration Feb 9, 2016
  • January 2016
    • Jan 25, 2016 Visualizing Risk and Potential: Migrants in Zones of Transit Jan 25, 2016
  • November 2015
    • Nov 18, 2015 A Primer for Governors: Legal and humanitarian repercussions of shutting borders to Syrian refugees Nov 18, 2015
  • October 2015
    • Oct 16, 2015 Beyond Trump: America's Dairyland and Multiple Regimes of Mobility Oct 16, 2015
  • September 2015
    • Sep 16, 2015 Fast fashion, slow integration: Guatemalan youth navigate life and labor in Los Angeles Sep 16, 2015
    • Sep 3, 2015 Notes from the field: Humanitarian discourses, systemic erasures, and the production of victimhood in “Child, Bride, Mother” Sep 3, 2015
  • August 2015
    • Aug 10, 2015 After the Border: Undocumented or Child? The Policy Implications of Conflicting Constructions of Unaccompanied Migrant Youth Aug 10, 2015
  • June 2015
    • Jun 20, 2015 Black Bodies Seen: Meditations on Mobility, Betrayal, and American and Dominican Haitian Youth Jun 20, 2015
  • February 2015
    • Feb 10, 2015 Interrogating the Wave: Media Representations of African Migrant Youth Feb 10, 2015
  • September 2014
    • Sep 14, 2014 Widening the Frame: Unaccompanied Youth Sep 14, 2014
    • Sep 5, 2014 From Alienation to Protection: Central American Child Migration Sep 5, 2014